非洲風情：尼日利亞─非洲聯邦制國家？

在西非的尼日利亞，人口逾一億人，擁有逾二百個種族。基督徒和穆斯林各佔五成。由於種族和宗教多元化，聯邦制度是唯一能解決殖民時代三分天下的困局，總統職位甚至由南北兩地政客輪流擔任。

在英國殖民統治下，尼日利亞分成三個區域，包括東部伊博族、西部約魯巴族，以及北部豪薩ー富拉尼族，爭奪資源和權力。1966年，伊博族率先發動政變，推翻文官政權，殺死總理和北方勢力領袖，後者以反政變回應。

內戰持續，東部分離主義堀起，宣布成立比亞法拉共和國，直至1970年才達成停火協議。為了增加合法性，政府在1967年成立聯邦執行委員會，與最高軍事委員會分享政治權力。然而政客不願意參與，分裂成不同政治板塊。

事件再次觸發北部勢力內的穆爾塔拉・穆罕默德，在1975年策動另一場軍事政變，政治陷入多輪僵局。直至時任元首薩尼・阿巴查將軍在1998年去世後，當地才開始修訂憲法，展開民主政權的過渡期。

改革的陣痛，無阻時任元首高恩上校推行聯邦制度，以減低中央財政壓力。在1984至1999年，軍政府以聯邦制度財政獨立之名，減少撥款予各聯邦政府。由1983年四成，跌至1995年兩成，驅使聯邦各自解決財政上的困難。

非洲第五大經濟體，國內超大城市拉各斯，經濟迅速發展，印證了聯邦制度的成功。稅務從現金轉為電子轉賬，並且聘請私人公司進行監管。一系列的改革，令拉各斯成為國內，唯一不需要依賴中央政府撥款的州份。

歷屆政府索性照板煮碗，以聯邦制度平息各地獨立的要求。聯邦政府由1976年19個，大幅增加至1996年36個。下放權力，不僅為較小的族裔提供自治空間，而且減低每個州分以尋求獨立之名，削弱中央政府的管治能力。

然而，尼日利亞近年捲入失敗國家的爭議，未能滿足和履行主權政府應有責任。作為非洲第二大經濟體，國內貪污嚴重，以喀麥隆邊境為據點的博科聖地，綁架和施襲等經常發生。這個聯邦制國家還能走多遠？

Nigeria - A Federalism State in Africa?

Nigeria was populated by more than 100 million people, which breaks down into 200 ethnic groups. Christian and Muslim are roughly 50% each.

Due to the diversity, federalism is the key to reduce the power of the 3 main ethno-regional blocks. Presidency even rotates between the north and the south based on agreements.

Under British rule, Nigeria was divided into three regions: the Hausa-Fulani in the north, the Yoruba in the west, and the Igbo in the east. Leaders fought over power.

In 1966, Igbo military officers overthrew the civilian government, killing the prime minister and the premier of the north. The latter one responded with a counter-coup.

Military seized resources as personal assets. The constant attacks hastened the secession. Igbo even proclaimed itself as the Republic of Biafra, until they reached a ceasefire in 1970.

In order to generate a responsive political system, the government established the Federal Executive Council in 1967, sharing the authority with the Supreme Military Council.

Yet, the absence of efficient politicians urged commissioners to participate in disorganised party politics, leading to another military coup by Murtala Mohammed in 1975 repeatedly.

It was until the death of General Sani Abacha, the military head of state, that allowed for a political transition and the new constitution adoption in 1998.

The temporary pain did not frustrate the implementation of federalism by General Gowon, which de facto eased the pressure from the central government.

During 1984 to 1999, the military government used the cloak of federalism to devolve the expenditure to state governments, from 40% in 1983 to 20% in 1995.

The prosperity of Lagos illustrated the success. The taxation collection changed from cash to electronic transfers; and hired the private company for supervision.

The strengthened collection system resulted in Lagos to become the only state in the country, which is independent from the funding of the central government.

Successive governments responded by using state creation as a way to respond to local grievances. The number of states grew from 19 in 1976, to 36 in 1996 subsequently.

The dramatic change created new rooms for smaller ethnic groups for self-government, and undermined the ability of each state against the central government to pursue secession.

Yet, whether Nigeria is a failed state remains controversial due to its endemic corruption. The extremist Boko Haram threatens citizens’ life and property. How far can this state go on?

名稱：非洲民主：成功、失敗與政治改革的鬥爭 (暫譯) (Democracy in Africa: Successes, Failures, and the Struggle for Political Reform)

作者：Nic Cheeseman

年份：2015

出版地：美國

出版社：劍橋大學出版社

類別：非洲政治

評分：7/10

IMG: https://guardian.ng/opinion/lagos-deserves-special-status-2/