非洲風情：突尼西亞的青年政治參與

2010年阿拉伯之春後，北非突尼西亞開始民主轉型的階段。一名26歲青年遭警方羞辱自焚，結束了本・阿里23年的獨裁政權。這場社會運動主要的參與者，正是介乎15至29歲的青年。

在2014年新制定的憲法，提及青少年積極推動國家發展，表明政府將會建立包容的體制，吸納青少年聲音。憲法同時保障各項公民權利，包括選舉、組織政黨和集會示威的自由。

復興運動、突尼西亞呼聲，及後成為國內兩大政黨。2018年地方選舉，政府增設青年配額。候選名單首三位，最少一位必須是青少年。在連續六張名單中，亦額外增設青少年配額。

然而青少年政治參與，並非預期中理想發展。國民代表大會中，只有約一成是介乎20至40歲的青年代表。投票數字更由2011年四成，下跌至2018年一成六，反映青年的政治無力感。

國內失業率維持在三成，加上新舊政客信任程度不高，皆令青年從政卻步。相反，他們更投入體制外的參與，包括加入公民社會組織和社會運動，成為他們改變社會和打擊貪污渠道。

2018年，全國有約19,000個活躍的註冊團體。以國際透明組織分支I Watch為例，開展不少具創意的項目。阿拉伯之春後，他們招募217名青少年成立模擬國會，部分建議更獲國會接納。

分析指2011至18年間，約一成半示威成功推動改革。大部分由網民號召，包括改革反經濟和解法案。政府撤回赦免所有受賄政客，只有賄款不涉個人利益，並交出賄款的人才獲赦免。

當地記者Abdslem Herchi以「حرية تعبير بدون تأثير」形容改革進程，意指不具影響力的自由。阿拉伯之春至今逾十載，接納青少年的聲音，不只是一句口號，政府需要重視他們的意見。

Youth Political Participation in Tunisia

Mohamed Bouazizi, a young street Vendor, set himself on fire. The tragedy became a catalyst of the Tunisian uprising, ending the 23-year authoritarian regime under Ben Ali. In fact, the social movement involved nearly 1/3 young protestors aged 15 to 29. Tunisia embarked on democracy transition, after the Arab Spring.

The 2014 constitution has guaranteed a more youth-inclusive political environment. It has recognized youth as “an active force” when it comes to constructing the nation. The civil  rights of elections engagement, associations organisation and social movements are all entitled under the law.

Currently, Ennahda Movement and Nidaa Tounes have become the biggest political parties. Youth quota was adopted in the municipal election. All candidate lists must include at least one young candidate among the top 3 members. Each set of 6 consecutive list members must include an additional youth.

But the youth political participation is far from satisfactory. The young representatives, aged from 20 to 40, only gained 12% in the Assembly of the Representatives of the People. In terms of electoral voting, fewer registered voters exercised their rights. The cast votes dropped from 40% in 2011, to 16% in 2018.

Coupled with the unemployment rate, and the fragile trust between politicians and citizens, it undermined institutional engagement. In turn, the mushroomed non-institution - civil society organizations and social movements become the battlefield for a better system and the vibrant anti-corruption campaign.

There are about 19,000 licensed associations in 2018. I Watch Organization, a branch of Transparency International, initiated a handful of effective projects, such as the Simulated Assembly with 217 young participants. Some proposals were even  adopted by the National Constituent Assembly.

Scholars found that 15% of protests managed to facilitate the negotiation with the regime. Most of the movements are initiated online, such as the anti-Economic Reconciliation Law. It changed from granting amnesty to all the corrupted politicians, to those who proved the corruption was without personal gain only.

When I interviewed a local journalist Abdslem Herchi, he described the current Tunisia as “حرية تعبير بدون تأثير” (i.e. freedom without influence). Indeed, the voice of youth should be taken into account within an inclusive environment, instead of considering it as a slogan during the democratic transition.

IMG: https://atalayar.com/index.php/content/muere-el-expresidente-tunecino-ben-ali-en-arabia-saud%C3%AD-los-83-a%C3%B1os